Question:
Passage: Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.
Q: The author mentions "crimes of passion" in line 3 primarily in order to
Choices:
A.) demonstrate that not all crimes can be deterred
B.) help illustrate one side of the current debate in the legal community
C.) mention a crime that is a product of the influence of societal norms
D.) provide a contrast that helps to define a deliberate crime
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.
Q: The explanation of the utility maximization principle in the passage suggests that which one of the following would be least appropriately described as a rational response to economic incentives and disincentives?
Choices:
A.) A worker physically assaults his former supervisor in a crowded workplace because he has been dismissed from his job and he believes that the dismissal was unwarranted and unfair.
B.) An industrialist continues to illegally discharge an untreated pollutant into a river because the cost of treatment far exceeds the fine for illegally discharging the pollutant.
C.) A government official in an impoverished country risks prosecution for soliciting bribes because rampant inflation has rendered her government salary inadequate to support her and her family.
D.) In order to reduce his taxes, a waiter conceals a large part of his tip income from the government because he believes that it is very unlikely that this will be detected and he will be penalized.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.
Q: Based on the passage, which one of the following scenarios is most similar to some legal scholars' use of the utility maximization principle regarding the crime deterrence debate?
Choices:
A.) an astronomer's use of a paradox employed by certain ancient cosmologists as a metaphor to help describe a phenomenon recently observed with the aid of new technologies
B.) a botanist's use of a quotation from a legendary Olympic athlete to make a point about the competitive nature of plants in a forest
C.) a drawing instructor's use of a law of optics from physics to demonstrate that two lines that appear to diverge actually run parallel to each other
D.) a judge's use of evidence from anthropology to support a decision in a controversial legal case
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.
Q: Which one of the following most accurately describes the organization of the passage?
Choices:
A.) Two beliefs are described and a principle is introduced to discredit them.
B.) Two sides of a debate are described and a general principle is used to resolve the conflict between them.
C.) A general principle is described and instantiated by two different ways of solving a problem.
D.) A general principle is described and used to highlight the differences between two sides in a debate.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.
Q: The passage suggests that the author would be likely to agree with each of the following statements EXCEPT:
Choices:
A.) The rate of deliberate crimes is likely to decrease if the expected utility of lawful activities decreases.
B.) The rate at which criminals return to criminal activity is likely to increase if efforts to rehabilitate them are ended.
C.) The rate of deliberate crimes will tend to vary inversely with the level of law enforcement.
D.) The rate at which criminals return to criminal activity is likely to fall if laws requiring stronger punishments for repeat offenders are adopted.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term "proverb" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, "Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are." Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.
Q: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?
Choices:
A.) Spanish-language proverbs figure prominently in Mexican American communities, where they are used both to instruct the young and to promote the young's familiarity with their heritage.
B.) Most proverbs that are commonly used in Mexican American communities have their origins in either peninsular Spain or the common proverb tradition of Europe.
C.) The Mexican American tradition of Spanish-language proverb use differs in important ways from the common proverb tradition of Europe.
D.) Many people in Mexican American communities use proverbs to teach young people about a wide range of social behaviors and norms.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term "proverb" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, "Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are." Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.
Q: The author provides a translation of a proverb in lines 32—33 primarily in order to
Choices:
A.) provide an example of how some Spanish-language proverbs can be clearly translated into English
B.) illustrate the relation between proverb use and education about peer-group relationships in Mexican American communities
C.) provide an example of the tone of a proverb that is frequently used in Mexican American communities
D.) illustrate how a proverb can function as an appeal to traditional wisdom
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term "proverb" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, "Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are." Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.
Q: The passage provides information that most helps to answer which one of the following questions?
Choices:
A.) In what other areas besides Europe did Spanish-language proverbs currently used in Mexican American communities originate?
B.) In what other ethnic groups besides Mexican Americans do proverbs function to maintain ties to the traditions of those groups?
C.) Is the use of proverbs in teaching young people more common in Mexican American communities than in the English-language tradition?
D.) What kinds of messages and pieces of wisdom are most often communicated by proverbs in the English-language tradition?
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term "proverb" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, "Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are." Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.
Q: The passage most strongly suggests which one of the following about the use of proverbs?
Choices:
A.) Proverbs are often used to help teach young people languages.
B.) The most frequent use of proverbs in Mexican American communities is for the purpose of regulating peer-group relationships.
C.) When a proverb is used as an educational tool, it is usually intended to serve more than one purpose.
D.) The way in which a proverb is used depends, at least in part, on the community in which it is used.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term "proverb" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, "Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are." Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.
Q: The author of the passage would be most likely to agree with which one of the following statements?
Choices:
A.) Proverb use in some communities may reflect parental concern that the young will not embrace traditional norms.
B.) Most Mexican American proverbs have their origin in the common proverb tradition of Europe.
C.) There are more Spanish-language proverbs than there are proverbs in the common proverb tradition of Europe.
D.) Most proverbs cannot be accurately translated from one language to another.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: Mexican Americans share with speakers of Spanish throughout the world a rich and varied repertoire of proverbs as well as a vital tradition of proverb use. The term "proverb" refers to a self-contained saying that can be understood independent of a specific verbal context and that has as its main purpose the carrying of a message or piece of wisdom. The great majority of Spanish-language proverbs reached Mexico from peninsular Spain, though they did not all originate there. Many belong, in fact, to the common proverb tradition of Europe and have exact equivalents in English-language proverbial speech. Each use of a proverb is an individual act whose meaning varies depending on the individual speaker and the particular social context in which the use occurs. Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that proverb use is also shaped by the larger community with which the individual interacts. The fact that proverbs often serve a didactic purpose points us to one important function that proverbs serve in Mexican American communities: the instruction of the young. In fact, this function seems to be much more prominent in Mexican tradition in general than in English-speaking traditions. Adolescents of Mexican descent in the United States consistently report the frequent use of proverbs by their parents as a teaching tool, in areas ranging from the inculcation of table manners to the regulation of peer-group relationships. The latter area is a particularly frequent focus of proverb use within Mexican American communities: one of the most frequently used proverbs, for example, translates roughly as, "Tell me who you run with and I'll tell you who you are." Perhaps this emphasis on peer-group relations derives from a sense that traditional, community-approved norms are threatened by those prevalent in the surrounding society, or from a sense that, in dealing with older children especially, parents need to appeal to traditional wisdom to bolster their authority. Another dimension of proverb use within Mexican American communities is that proverbs often serve to foster a consciousness of ethnicity, that is, of membership in a particular ethnic group possessing features that distinguish it from other groups within a multiethnic environment. Even those Mexican American proverbs that do not have an explicitly didactic purpose nevertheless serve as a vehicle for the transmission of both the Spanish language and Mexican culture. It is in these sayings that links to folklore and other aspects of Mexican culture are established and maintained. Proverbs thus provide a means of enhancing Mexican American young people's familiarity with their heritage, thereby strengthening their ties to Mexican tradition.
Q: Which one of the following is most strongly implied by the passage?
Choices:
A.) There are some sayings that do not require a verbal context to be understood but whose meaning for each particular use depends on the social context in which that use occurs.
B.) The frequent use of proverbs within any community functions, at least in part, to convey a sense of their ethnicity to children within that community.
C.) If a proverb is used to inculcate table manners, then its primary purpose is to maintain ties to an ethnic tradition.
D.) The ways in which Mexican Americans use Spanish-language proverbs are typical of the ways in which Spanish speakers throughout the world use those proverbs.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically "selfish" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.
Q: Which one of the following most accurately states the main point of passage A?
Choices:
A.) Contrary to what critics of evolutionary psychology say, most significant types of human behavior are prompted by genetically selfish motivations.
B.) Altruistic behavior originally served evolutionary purposes that it does not serve today because humans no longer live in small, kin-based groups.
C.) An evolutionary explanation of altruistic behavior may lie in the psychological states brought about in early humans by cues of kinship or familiarity.
D.) New evidence may explain the evolution of altruistic behavior in early humans by showing that genes promote their own self-propagation.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically "selfish" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.
Q: The approaches toward evolutionary psychology exhibited by the two authors differ in which one of the following ways?
Choices:
A.) The author of passage B is more critical of the motives of evolutionary psychologists than the author of passage A is.
B.) The author of passage A is more willing to consider nonevolutionary explanations for human behavior than the author of passage B is.
C.) The author of passage B is more skeptical of evolutionary theory in general than the author of passage A is.
D.) The author of passage A is more committed to the principles of evolutionary psychology than the author of passage B is.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically "selfish" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.
Q: According to passage B, which one of the following is an example of a human characteristic for which evolutionary psychologists propose a questionable explanation?
Choices:
A.) the slow maturation of human offspring
B.) the early human tendency to live in small communities
C.) caring for some things for their own sakes
D.) forming monogamous families
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically "selfish" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.
Q: According to passage A, certain types of human behavior developed through evolutionary processes because they
Choices:
A.) prompted early humans to live in mutually dependent groups
B.) prompted individuals to behave unselfishly
C.) improved the physical health of individuals who exhibited the behaviors
D.) helped spread the genes responsible for those same behaviors
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically "selfish" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.
Q: How does the purpose of passage B relate to the content of passage A?
Choices:
A.) The author of passage B seeks to support the main claims made in passage A by presenting additional arguments in support of those claims.
B.) The author of passage B maintains that the claims made in passage A are vacuous because no possible evidence could confirm or disconfirm them.
C.) The author of passage B seeks to undermine the type of argument made in passage A by suggesting that it relies on questionable reasoning.
D.) The author of passage B argues that the type of evidence used in passage A is often derived from inaccurate observation.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically "selfish" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.
Q: Which one of the following assertions from passage A most clearly exemplifies what the author of passage B means in calling evolutionary psychology a "conspiracy theory" (lines 35—36)?
Choices:
A.) Altruism presents a difficult problem for evolutionary psychology.
B.) Early humans lived in small, kin-based groups.
C.) An altruistic individual uses valuable resources to promote the well-being of another individual.
D.) Genes may promote their self-propagation through actions that appear unselfish.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically "selfish" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.
Q: It can be inferred that the author of passage B would regard which one of the following as a mistaken assumption underlying arguments like that made in passage A?
Choices:
A.) Most early human behaviors that significantly hindered reproductive success were eliminated by evolutionary competition.
B.) To explain a type of human behavior in evolutionary terms, it is sufficient to show that the behavior would have improved the reproductive success of early humans.
C.) Most of the physical features characteristic of modern humans developed as the result of evolutionary pressures.
D.) Evolutionary psychology can be used to explain human behavior but not animal behavior, since animal behavior is driven largely by instinct.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted "as it is" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible "reality" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: "The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it." The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art "a shameful destiny." A literary work must stand or fall on its "artistic merit," he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is "artistic" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: "To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well." The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be "useful" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.
Q: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?
Choices:
A.) Dostoyevsky's indictment of the radical Russian critics rested solely on his objection to the radical critics' stipulation that literature be useful to society.
B.) In opposition to the views of the two most prominent groups of Russian literary critics, Dostoyevsky believed that literature should keep itself removed from reality.
C.) In his critical writings, Dostoyevsky championed the freedom of the artist against the narrow constraints imposed by the radical Russian critics' concern with the depiction of reality.
D.) Dostoyevsky's position on literature differed sharply from that of the radical Russian critics with respect to the nature of reality, the importance of formal aspects in a literary work, and the utility of art.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted "as it is" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible "reality" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: "The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it." The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art "a shameful destiny." A literary work must stand or fall on its "artistic merit," he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is "artistic" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: "To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well." The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be "useful" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.
Q: Which one of the following works most clearly exemplifies writing Dostoyevsky would have deemed "artistic" ?
Choices:
A.) a short story in which the characters debate how to solve various social problems
B.) a fictionalized account based on interviews with patients that illustrates the brutal facts of illness
C.) a novel in which the author's ideas are given substance through suitable characters and events
D.) a novel in which the author attempted to use allegory to communicate a criticism of feudal society
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted "as it is" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible "reality" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: "The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it." The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art "a shameful destiny." A literary work must stand or fall on its "artistic merit," he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is "artistic" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: "To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well." The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be "useful" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.
Q: According to the passage, Dostoyevsky disagreed with the radical critics' view of realism in literature because he believed
Choices:
A.) realism is unequal to the task of representing political views
B.) art should be elevated above the portrayal of reality
C.) reality is not the crucial source of successful literature
D.) reality is not independent of the experiences of individuals
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted "as it is" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible "reality" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: "The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it." The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art "a shameful destiny." A literary work must stand or fall on its "artistic merit," he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is "artistic" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: "To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well." The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be "useful" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.
Q: In the context of the passage, the description of a work of literature as "useful" mainly refers to its
Choices:
A.) facility for exploding the boundaries of the tangible world
B.) ability to help bring about social change
C.) capacity to advance a particular theory of literature
D.) effectiveness at communicating the author's ideas
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted "as it is" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible "reality" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: "The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it." The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art "a shameful destiny." A literary work must stand or fall on its "artistic merit," he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is "artistic" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: "To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well." The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be "useful" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.
Q: Which one of the following most accurately describes the organization of the material presented in the passage?
Choices:
A.) Three positions are presented and the third is shown to be superior to the first two.
B.) Three positions are presented and the third is shown to be inferior to the second.
C.) Three positions are presented and the third is differentiated from the second in detail.
D.) Three positions are presented and each is elaborated in detail.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted "as it is" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible "reality" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: "The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it." The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art "a shameful destiny." A literary work must stand or fall on its "artistic merit," he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is "artistic" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: "To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well." The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be "useful" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.
Q: It can be inferred from the passage that Dostoyevsky would most likely have agreed with which one of the following statements about the view held by some Russian critics that art should stand high above the present and everyday?
Choices:
A.) It is incorrect because it makes no distinction between reality and fantasy.
B.) It is incorrect because of its insistence that art further some societal end.
C.) It is incorrect because reality must be the foundation of all literature.
D.) It is correct because it recognizes that reality is more than just an enumeration of the mundane details of life.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted "as it is" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible "reality" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: "The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it." The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art "a shameful destiny." A literary work must stand or fall on its "artistic merit," he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is "artistic" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: "To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well." The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be "useful" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.
Q: Given the information in the passage, Dostoyevsky would have been most likely to agree with which one of the following statements about works of literature?
Choices:
A.) Only works of literature that serve a particular political view can be said to be well written.
B.) A work of literature that serves a particular political view cannot be well written.
C.) Only works of literature that are well written can serve a particular political view.
D.) A work of literature that is well written cannot serve any particular political view.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted "as it is" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible "reality" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: "The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it." The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art "a shameful destiny." A literary work must stand or fall on its "artistic merit," he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is "artistic" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: "To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well." The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be "useful" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.
Q: The passage suggests that Dostoyevsky's attitude toward the radical critics' view would be most softened if the radical critics were to
Choices:
A.) acknowledge the importance of eliminating elements of concrete reality from literary works
B.) put clarity of purpose ahead of formal aspects when evaluating a literary work
C.) recognize the full significance of artistic merit when evaluating literary works
D.) explain more fully their demand that reality be depicted as it is
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated "out of print." Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.
Q: Which one of the following statements most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?
Choices:
A.) Digital publishing is likely to one day rival traditional publishing, but social and economic fiIctors are currently hindering its acceptaoce.
B.) The shift from traditional to digital publishing is typical of the shift from one economic model to a more efficient economic model.
C.) Digital publishing will be convenient for readers and profitable for publishers but will also result in a great deal of movement by authors among different publishing houses.
D.) Digital publishing will transfonn the economics of the publishing business and in doing so will likely create competitive pressures to pay authors a greater percentage of publishers' net revenue.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D


Question:
Passage: The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated "out of print." Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.
Q: The author uses the phrase "whole categories of expense" (lines 30-31) primarily to refer to
Choices:
A.) the fees collected by literal agents from their clients
B.) the royalties paid to authors by their publisbers
C.) the costs specific to the retail trade in traditional printed books
D.) the price paid to have books printed and bound
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D